Supreme Court

Archive for Tag “Supreme Court”


American Needle and the damage done

Writing in The Wall Street Journal, sports journalist Allen Barra has hailed the recent Supreme Court decision in American Needle v. NFL as “a clear victory for free enterprise.”

I want to leave aside the complex antitrust technicalities on which this decision hinged and just focus on what it means for enterprise to be “free.” Free from what? If the term has any objective meaning, it denotes freedom from coercion, from physical interference by others. So if Barra is correct about this court decision being a victory for freedom, it must mean that some coercive practice has been swept away. But was it?

Consider what led to the court case. All thirty-two teams in the National Football League formed an association (NFL Properties) that entered into a contract with Reebok, a manufacturer of sporting goods. In this contract, Reebok promised to pay NFL Properties licensing fees on the sales of headwear featuring team logos. In exchange, NFL Properties promised that Reebok would have exclusive licensing rights for ten years.

That contract was entered into freely. The court case featured no evidence that Reebok made physical threats against NFL Properties—or that NFL Properties made physical threats against Reebok—or that any of the member teams made physical threats against the others. Physical coercion was simply not an issue in the case. On the contrary, the Supreme Court’s decision to declare the contract illegal is itself coercive. It obliterates, by government force, the freedom in which the NFL-Reebok contract was conceived and written.

According to the decision’s supporters, the 32 teams who formed NFL Properties are now “free” to enter into individual contracts with American Needle. But when the teams actually had freedom, they chose differently. They chose to contract together, as an association, and they chose to contract with Reebok. Now that contract has been swept into the trash can, by force of law. The teams are, in fact, less free than they were before the Supreme Court decided their case. That’s anything but a “clear victory for free enterprise.”

Image: WikiMedia Commons


Don’t assume Kagan will uphold abortion rights

If John McCain had been elected in 2008, a woman’s legal right to procure an abortion would be in grave danger right now.

Remember, McCain ran for president on a campaign promise to select judges who agree that Roe v. Wade is “a flawed decision that must be overturned.” Before the 2008 election, there were already as many as four votes to overturn that decision (certainly Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, and possibly John Roberts and Samuel Alito). Now add the two successors that McCain would have selected (to replace retiring Justices David Souter and John Paul Stevens), and voila! A strong majority, ready to sweep aside Roe v. Wade, could be in place on the Court.

The fact that the nation has been spared such a “McCain Court” is perhaps the only reason to be glad that President Obama is in office at this critical juncture. To his credit, Obama made clear his support for abortion rights during the campaign. And just recently, speaking about the search for a successor to Justice Stevens, Obama said: “I want somebody who is going to be interpreting our Constitution in a way that takes into account individual rights, and that includes women’s rights.” Read the rest of this entry »


An opportunity to debate corporations’ rights

In choosing a successor to retiring Justice John Paul Stevens, President Obama is preoccupied with the Court’s recent decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. That’s the case upholding a corporation’s right to spend its own money speaking out during political campaigns.

Obama has made no secret of his disdain for that decision. Justice Stevens authored the dissent in that case—the dissent that Obama wishes had been the majority decision. Stevens argued at length for sustaining the power of campaign finance regulators to throttle corporate speech.

Speaking in the Rose Garden recently, Obama said he’s searching for “someone who, like Justice Stevens, knows that in a democracy, powerful interests must not be allowed to drown out the voices of ordinary citizens.” In short, Obama wants Citizens United to be overturned, and he’s looking for a new Justice who will be as steadfast as Stevens was in opposing corporations’ rights. Read the rest of this entry »


Panelists to discuss landmark Citizens United case

“The censorship we now confront is vast in its reach,” wrote Justice Anthony Kennedy on behalf of a Supreme Court majority in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. He was referring to the speech bans that since 2002 have muzzled corporations under the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law.

No more. The Citizens United decision struck down the ban, not only liberating America’s corporations to speak out during campaigns but also unleashing a torrent of commentary, both praising and denouncing the Court’s actions. As the heated debate gets hotter, a timely panel discussion is slated for Tuesday, March 16, in Washington, D.C., hosted by the Ayn Rand Center for Individual Rights and the Institute for Justice.

Citizens United and the Future of Campaign Finance Law” will feature a lively debate among three lawyers who filed briefs on opposite sides in the case, and an academic expert on the history of free speech. I’m fortunate enough to be moderating the event, which will review the case in historical context, evaluate its merits, and look to the future. One crucial issue on the table is whether such regulations should survive at all.

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Justice Holmes awakens

“On Jan. 21, poor Justice Holmes must have turned in his grave.”

So writes Mimi Marziani in the National Law Journal, lamenting the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. FEC, issued on Jan. 21, 2010. That’s the controversial case holding that corporations have a right to speak out on political issues without being censored.

What’s the connection with Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., who died back in 1935? Well, Holmes spent much of his long career arguing against the idea that the U.S. Constitution is a bulwark of liberty, a barrier to governmental infringements on individual rights. So Marziani is right that Holmes, if he were alive today, would have dissented in the Citizens United case—just as he dissented more than a century ago in the case forever associated with his name, Lochner v. New York. (In that 1905 case, the Court struck down a maximum-hours law for bakers.)

In fact, Marziani says, there’s a direct parallel between the two famous cases. Citizens United, she asserts, is “Lochner’s 21st century equivalent.” Why? Because both cases were driven by a conviction that the Constitution should be interpreted where possible to protect people against the awesome power of government to violate their rights. Along with Holmes, Marziani believes that the Constitution is agnostic on the relationship between individuals and the state. Read the rest of this entry »


Florida case highlights erosion of property rights

The Supreme Court is wrestling with a case involving a state-funded program of beach sand replenishment that’s threatening the property rights of private beach owners. But the conflict that gave rise to this case should never have arisen at all.

The lawsuit was brought by owners of beachfront property in Florida whose deeds include the beaches themselves. (That’s not always the case—in some states, private ownership of beaches is forbidden by state governments that declare them all public property.) Like many states, Florida has a program of beach replenishment to compensate for erosion from hurricanes and natural wave action. These programs pay for powerful dredging machines to pump new sand onto the beach at public expense.

The plaintiffs in the case (called Stop the Beach Renourishment Inc. v. Florida Department of Environmental Protection) object to the program because the new strips of sand become public property—raising the specter of sunbathers and surfers parading between the plaintiffs’ private houses and the ocean’s waves. The landowners say that’s a “taking” of private property by eminent domain, requiring a money payment to compensate for the diminished value of a beach subject to public access.

Notice how the beach replenishment program creates an insoluble conflict between property owners and taxpayers. The property rights of beach house owners—who presumably paid a premium for their own private stretch of beach—are violated when a public beach can be grafted by government fiat onto the shorelines of their property. But the property rights of all Florida’s citizens are violated when their money is taken to pay for beach replenishment, which is no part of a government’s proper functions.  Read the rest of this entry »


What are the property rights of mall owners?

supreme-court-public-domainToday, the Supreme Court will be deciding whether to accept an appeal involving the following scenario:

Forty-five people carrying placards and handing out leaflets show up inside a shopping mall.  Their message? Boycott the mall’s stores. When mall management asks them to leave, they refuse—and so the police throw them out. The boycotters sue the mall for interfering with their speech rights. They win.

What makes such a legal outcome possible? At bottom, it’s a certain conception of rights as entitlements to the property of others. On this view, the right of free speech is empty unless someone provides the speaker with a newspaper, a blog, a microphone—or, in this case, a mall full of shoppers. But that’s a perversion of rights. In reality, the right of free speech pertains only to freedom of action, on and with one’s own property (or the property of others who agree to allow its use). Because a shopping mall is private property, every visitor is there by permission of the owner. That owner has a moral right (which should be recognized legally, but isn’t) to forbid visitors from staging a boycott campaign on that property.

The case I’m talking about is Macerich Management Co. v. United Brotherhood of Carpenters. If the Supreme Court accepts the case, what’s the chance it will apply a proper view of rights? Zero.

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Sotomayor passed the Lochner test

Constitution signaturesThere was never any doubt that the Lochner litmus test would certify Sonia Sotomayor as a Supreme Court nominee acceptable to the Senate. As I noted in my Objective Standard article, “Justice Holmes and the Empty Constitution,” the 1905 case of Lochner v. New York (which struck down a maximum hours law for bakers) furnishes a tool for discerning a judge’s fundamental view of the Constitution:

  • Is the Constitution a document of liberty, designed (perhaps with some errors) to preserve individual rights against government power? If a judge thinks so, then he or she is likely to regard the Lochner Court’s decision as a proper result (albeit perhaps reached by a debatable analysis).
  • Or is the Constitution an empty vessel, devoid of any principles protecting the individual against the state? If that is a judge’s view then he or she will join the almost universal chorus of legal professionals who believe Lochner was wrongly decided.

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Sotomayor’s mask of objectivity

supreme-court-public-domain“Sotomayor Emphasizes Objectivity”—that was the headline in a recent Washington Post. It was a line worthy of the satirical newspaper known as The Onion, which deals routinely in turning the tables for humor’s sake, inverting truth and fiction. And the newly objective Sonia Sotomayor is a pure work of fiction.

During her hearings, Sotomayor said all the right things. She told the committee that her judicial philosophy is “fidelity to the law.” She told Senator Jon Kyl that the “job of the judge is to apply the law” and “it’s not the heart that compels conclusions in cases.” She told  him: “We apply law to facts. We don’t apply feelings to facts….” And she passed off her famous “wise Latina” remark as a “rhetorical flourish” meant to inspire other minorities, not to express her philosophy of judging.

Based on this performance, Sotomayor is virtually certain to be confirmed for the Supreme Court. On Tuesday, the Judiciary Committee voted 13-6 to submit her nomination to the full Senate. But how are the senators supposed to square her recent professions of judicial objectivity with her public paeans to the opposite view?

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Sotomayor’s smoking gun

On the eve of Supreme Court confirmation hearings for Judge Sonia Sotomayor, Politico.com was reporting that “Republicans have yet to uncover a smoking gun in Sotomayor’s past, and her confirmation is seen by many as a fait accompli.”

This says a lot about the Senate’s inability (on both sides of the aisle) to recognize a smoking gun when they see it.

In previous posts, I’ve discussed the oft-quoted public speech in which she rhapsodized about “how wonderful and magical it is to have a Latina soul.” In that speech, which she later authorized to be reprinted as a law review article, Sotomayor publicly declared that judicial impartiality is just a pipe dream, that judges can’t be objective because “[p]ersonal experiences affect the facts that judges choose to see,” and as a result “‘there is no objective stance but only a series of perspectives.’”

This speech is not just a smoking gun—it’s an atomic blast meant to obliterate the rule of law. Any senator of either party who cannot see the implications of Sotomayor’s views is intellectually unequipped to perform the kind of searching review the Founders intended when they required advice and consent of the Senate for Supreme Court nominations.