Muslim Brotherhood

Archive for Tag “Muslim Brotherhood”


Tahrir Square two years on

Egypt, now two years removed from the beginnings of its revolution, finds itself again in upheaval with violence erupting in cities across the country. The impetus for the riots, clashes, and reprisals that have persisted for months was a November 22 power grab by President Muhammad Morsi that effectively nullified the power of the judiciary and propelled Egypt—already without a functioning legislature—toward (another kind of) tyranny.

On December 15, a referendum on a proposed constitution was held, but—predictably—the vote elicited only more controversy. Since that time the two year anniversary of the Tahrir Square protests of 2011 has been eclipsed and with it has come only more uncertainly for the country’s future.

Here are several articles that have given me pause and will give you a condensed look at the unfolding chaos in the Arab world’s most populous country:

1. Vivienne Walt’s “Women’s Rights at Odds in Egypt’s Constitution WarsTime.

Walt’s article on the efforts of women in Egypt to secure political rights for themselves speaks to the tragedy of the “Arab Spring.”  The women of Egypt, many of whom played active roles in the demonstrations that lead to Hosni Mubarak’s ouster in 2011, now find themselves on the outside looking in. In the place of Mubarak’s (relatively) secular regime has emerged a political bloc headed by the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party and with it an ideology opposed to the rights of women—or anyone else for that matter.

2. Salma Shukralluh’s “Egypt protesters tell stories of torture, abuse at presidential palaceAhram Online.

Shukrallah’s report from Cairo reveals a society in which men settle their disputes not with reason, but with fists, sticks, knives, and guns.

3. David D. Kirkpatrick’s “Blood is Shed as Egyptian President’s Backers and Rivals Battle in Cairo” and “Egyptian Judges Challenge Morsi Over New PowerThe New York Times.

Kirkpatrick’s coverage suggests a country on a precipice, teetering between outright dictatorship and anarchy.

4. “Egyptian says he was abducted for anti-Islamist workReuters.

Reuters’ coverage in Egypt points to the dangers faced by average Egyptians. Though this short write-up discusses the brutality faced by a political dissident, buried in the article is the fact that roughly sixty people have been killed in riots, clashes, and reprisals in the last month alone.


Egypt’s Islamist future

Before Egypt’s interim military government dissolved parliament, it was the Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafist movement that had won the majority of seats. Now, the Brotherhood’s Mohammed Morsi has been declared the winner of Egypt’s presidential election.

Horrifying? Yes. Surprising? Not so much. These developments fit a larger trend of Islamists ascending to power across the Middle East, following the upheavals that some took to be an Arab Spring. In this Q&A, I touch on some of the factors that account for the rise of Islamists in Egypt:

WJ: the situation that you portray is quite grim, but some would argue that the revolutions are still in their early stages, and the possibility of fundamental political changes, changes for the better, cannot be foreclosed. Do you see room for that kind of change, long term?

Journo: We should welcome political developments that bring greater freedom, meaning real respect for individual rights, for the people in that part of the world. We are better off when other nations truly move towards the protection of property rights, economic freedom, free speech—all of which are sorely lacking in the Middle East, with the notable exception of Israel. But for these political ideals to take root would require some fundamental changes in the political culture of the region.

What are the prospects for such fundamental changes? Doubtful. A major reason is the extent to which Islam permeates people’s thinking and conceptual lexicon. Take Egypt. One explanation for why the Islamists did so well in the elections is that the Muslim Brotherhood was so well established, with a broad network of followers and organizers, and the ability to get out the vote. That’s true, but a superficial explanation. It misses the real reason. The Salafis were far less organized politically, yet did remarkably well. Why?

What both groups have as an advantage over the quasi-secular groups is that the Islamists speak in the religious lexicon that all Muslims have been immersed in, even if they themselves are far from devout. Try advocating for a separation between state and religion—something unknown through most of Muslim history; when it became known through contact with the West, it was shunned. If you advocate for a state- religion separation, you’ll face resistance. If you advocate for a secular state, the Islamists easily undercut it by portraying it as Western, and discrediting “secular” by tying it to pseudo-secular dictators, like Mubarak and Assad, who have ruled for decades. The Islamists can easily vilify “secular” as immoral, even repressive. So secular-oriented activists have to talk in vague terms such as “civilian state” lest they appear to advocate an impious society. The sheer fact that you can discredit something by tagging it as Western is revealing.

That illustrates two things. First, it’s the religious groups that set the terms of debate, because they couch their arguments in moral terms, terms that resonate with a broad swath of the populace. Second, there’s little understanding of what secular society looks like—a fact evidenced in history by the dearth of terminology in Muslim lands to describe and conceptualize it, and in the present by the implicit equation of secular, or non-religious, with immorality. The few marginal, secular- leaning advocates are thus on the defensive, for fear that they be tarred as enemies of virtue and Allah’s law. Islam’s cultural influence provides a huge advantage to Islamists.

Another factor here is that for the last few decades, the region has seen a trend of increasing religiosity—a trend that Islamists both help to drive and benefit from politically. Many people see themselves first and foremost as Muslims, rather than as individuals, or even citizens of their country. They identify themselves more closely and consistently by their adherence to Islam. More Egyptians go to prayers. More mosques are sprouting up. According to one report I’ve seen, in 1986 there was one mosque for every 6,000 or so Egyptians. Nineteen years later—and after a doubling of the population—there was one mosque for every 700 or so people. More women are donning the hijab—without being coerced into it by state-run “morality police.” Amid an increase in religiosity, it is the ideologues of Islamic totalitarianism, espousing the need for restoring piety, who stand to gain not merely a respectful hearing, but also followers.

image: flickr/cc


Egypt punishes actor for “insulting Islam”

A court found Egypt’s most popular comic actor guilty on Tuesday of insulting Islam in roles in films mocking religious hypocrisy. . . . Mr. Imam [the actor] was convicted for performances in the blockbuster films “The Terrorist,” in which he plays a radical Islamist hiding among a moderate, middle-class family, and “Terrorism and Kabab,” in which his character becomes enraged at a lazy civil servant pretending to pray to avoid work. [NYT]

First, for context, let’s recall that Egypt was far from a bastion of freedom of speech. But it’s the political ascendancy of Islamist parties there that makes this story particularly notable. Likely the Islamists will crack down (even more severely than Mubarak did) on speech; one faction has signaled as much. Since the actor was seen as “a Mubarak friend,” however, it’s also possible this was payback: a settling of some old score by a faction of the interim military regime against a loyalist of the former ruler. These, then, are the depressingly limited political alternatives in Egypt: Islamists hostile to freedom, or  a dictatorial military clique hostile to freedom. Neither bodes well for U.S. interests.  (For more on the political culture of Egypt, you may be interested in a new interview that Yaron Brook and I did for the Whitehead Journal.)


The Muslim Brotherhood candidate

In an interview on PJTV the other day I talked about the prominent candidates for the presidency of Egypt. As a postscript to that interview, here are a few choice statements from the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate, Khairat al-Shater, portrayed by some in the West as a kinder, gentler, more dealable-with, “moderate.” Hardly.

Then there’s Mr. Shater’s ideas about governance in general, spelled out in a lengthy talk he gave last year in Alexandria about the history, philosophy, methods and ambitions of the Brotherhood. …

A few sentences in Mr. Shater’s talk will come as music to Western ears: He calls for an independent judiciary, rule of law, economic development and the peaceful rotation of power.

But that has to be understood in the context of Mr. Shater’s broader aims: “Restoring Islam in its all-encompassing conception; subjugating people to God; instituting the religion of God; the Islamization of life.” His notion of an ideal citizen is a cadre: “Every individual in the Society should be . . . a walking Quran.” Similarly, his notion of religious piety is organizational commitment: “With individual piety the issues connected to organizational developing must also be present.”


The Muslim Brotherhood’s Egypt?

164297_501518534290_511364290_5849813_4735509_nFrom the NYT.

In post-revolutionary Egypt, where hope and confusion collide in the daily struggle to build a new nation, religion has emerged as a powerful political force, following an uprising that was based on secular ideals. The Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist group once banned by the state, is at the forefront, transformed into a tacit partner with the military government that many fear will thwart fundamental changes.

It is also clear that the young, educated secular activists who initially propelled the nonideological revolution are no longer the driving political force — at least not at the moment.

As the best organized and most extensive opposition movement in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood was expected to have an edge in the contest for influence. But what surprises many is its link to a military that vilified it. [emphasis added]

The article goes on to list a number of telling examples of “the Brotherhood’s rise and the overpowering force of Islam” in Egypt.

Of course, it is too early to know with confidence what will unfold in Egypt. But the broader point remains that in lands where Islam is woven into the fabric of the society, Islamists have the upper hand. The following examples speak for themselves.

Before [the recent referendum] a Brotherhood leader and spokesman, appeared on a popular television show, “The Reality,” arguing for the government’s position in favor of the proposal. With a record turnout, the vote was hailed as a success. But the “yes” campaign was based largely on a religious appeal: voters were warned that if they did not approve the amendments, Egypt would become a secular state.

“The problem is that our country will be without a religion,” read a flier distributed in Cairo by a group calling itself the Egyptian Revolution Society. “This means that the call to the prayer will not be heard anymore like in the case of Switzerland, women will be banned from wearing the hijab like in the case of France,” it said, referring to the Muslim head scarf. “And there will be laws that allow men to get married to men and women to get married to women like in the case of America.” [EJ: Count the distortions and half-truths here.]

A banner hung by the Muslim Brotherhood in a square in Alexandria instructed voters that it was their “religious duty” to vote “yes” on the amendments.

In the end, 77.2 percent of those who voted said yes.

image: flickr


Egypt’s hazy political future

Praying time at Al Tahrir squareWith Mubarak gone and elections on the horizon, Egypt’s revolutionaries are struggling to map out their political future. Problem One: What ideals do they actually stand for? What ideals does the populace actually stand for? This NYT report sketches out the precarious situation:

They [leaders of the protests] struggle to define a party that can appeal broadly to all Egyptians, including minority groups like the Copts, the Nubians and the Sinai Bedouins.

Take the idea of being a secular party. In recent years, the jihadists have successfully distorted the word “ilmani,” a direct translation of “secular,” into a synonym for “kufr” or infidel. “The word secular does not go over so well,” sighed Ms. Moore. Instead, they tell audiences that their goal is a modern, civil, democratic country.

But there’s one outfit that’s (literally) throwing a coming out party for itself—the deeply rooted Muslim Brotherhood.

Its members radiate barely suppressed glee that their moment has come, even though they have promised not to contest the presidency and to seek only 35 percent of the parliamentary seats.

How magnanimous of the Islamists to ease themselves in slowly! The whole story is must reading.

What’s on display here is the considerable advantage that Islamists like the Muslim Brotherhood have, by virtue of the fact that their ideas resonate powerfully with many in the region. Anyone hoping to establish a political future in Egypt that comes a touch nearer to a truly secular, rights-respecting state faces a formidable task.

image: flickr/cc