egypt

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Islamists Rising in the Middle East: Where next for America? [Event]

For readers in northern California: on April 11 at U.C. Davis I’ll be part of a panel on the rise of Islamists in the the Middle East, with Daniel Pipes, president of the Middle East Forum, and Larry Greenfield, Senior Fellow at the American Freedom Alliance. Here’s the event description:

Since the so-called Arab Spring, upheavals and revolutions have racked the Middle East. So far, the Islamist movement has gained not only greater prominence but also political power in Egypt and elsewhere. Amid the tumult in Egypt, the Syrian civil war, and an imminently nuclear-capable Iran, what are America’s interests in the region? What’s fueling the rise of Islamists, and how should we view them?

Where are things heading in the Israel-Palestinian conflict? What should America’s policy be toward the region, and toward Israel in particular?

Join the panel for a discussion of these and related questions.

The Facebook event page provides the info on time and venue.


Blaming the victims of rape in Egypt

The sheer number of women sexually abused and gang raped in a single public square had become too big to ignore. Conservative Islamists in Egypt’s new political elite were outraged—at the women.

“Sometimes,” said Adel Abdel Maqsoud Afifi, a police general, lawmaker and ultraconservative Islamist, “a girl contributes 100 percent to her own raping when she puts herself in these conditions.”

The New York Times story notes how statements by president Mohamed Morsi’s “Islamist allies blaming the women have proved embarrassing.”

Embarrassing? That’s it? More like: hideously immoral and deeply revealing. Some of those Islamist allies complained that protest organizers had failed to segregate men and women.  Others condemned the women for speaking out.

“You see those women speaking like ogres, without shame, politeness, fear or even femininity,” declared a television preacher, Ahmed Abdullah, known as Sheik Abu Islam.

Such a woman is “like a demon,” he said, wondering why anyone should sympathize with those “naked” women who “went there to get raped.”

Just let that sink in for a moment, then consider: The NYT describes this preacher as an “ultraconservative” Islamist. The article implies that on this issue there’s a spectrum of meaningful gradations between conservative Islamists and ultraconservative Islamists. What matters here, however, is that they basically share the same perverse view: that women are in some sense sub-human, lacking any sovereignty—physical or moral—so that if someone rapes a woman, its her own fault.

A couple of years back, the so-called Arab Spring prompted some in the West to trumpet the emergence of a new era of freedom and progress. Note that the sentiments quoted above come, not from the margins of Egyptian society, but from allies of the Muslim Brotherhood-backed Morsi government in Cairo.

image: flickr/cc


Tahrir Square two years on

Egypt, now two years removed from the beginnings of its revolution, finds itself again in upheaval with violence erupting in cities across the country. The impetus for the riots, clashes, and reprisals that have persisted for months was a November 22 power grab by President Muhammad Morsi that effectively nullified the power of the judiciary and propelled Egypt—already without a functioning legislature—toward (another kind of) tyranny.

On December 15, a referendum on a proposed constitution was held, but—predictably—the vote elicited only more controversy. Since that time the two year anniversary of the Tahrir Square protests of 2011 has been eclipsed and with it has come only more uncertainly for the country’s future.

Here are several articles that have given me pause and will give you a condensed look at the unfolding chaos in the Arab world’s most populous country:

1. Vivienne Walt’s “Women’s Rights at Odds in Egypt’s Constitution WarsTime.

Walt’s article on the efforts of women in Egypt to secure political rights for themselves speaks to the tragedy of the “Arab Spring.”  The women of Egypt, many of whom played active roles in the demonstrations that lead to Hosni Mubarak’s ouster in 2011, now find themselves on the outside looking in. In the place of Mubarak’s (relatively) secular regime has emerged a political bloc headed by the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party and with it an ideology opposed to the rights of women—or anyone else for that matter.

2. Salma Shukralluh’s “Egypt protesters tell stories of torture, abuse at presidential palaceAhram Online.

Shukrallah’s report from Cairo reveals a society in which men settle their disputes not with reason, but with fists, sticks, knives, and guns.

3. David D. Kirkpatrick’s “Blood is Shed as Egyptian President’s Backers and Rivals Battle in Cairo” and “Egyptian Judges Challenge Morsi Over New PowerThe New York Times.

Kirkpatrick’s coverage suggests a country on a precipice, teetering between outright dictatorship and anarchy.

4. “Egyptian says he was abducted for anti-Islamist workReuters.

Reuters’ coverage in Egypt points to the dangers faced by average Egyptians. Though this short write-up discusses the brutality faced by a political dissident, buried in the article is the fact that roughly sixty people have been killed in riots, clashes, and reprisals in the last month alone.


Egypt’s Islamist future

Before Egypt’s interim military government dissolved parliament, it was the Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafist movement that had won the majority of seats. Now, the Brotherhood’s Mohammed Morsi has been declared the winner of Egypt’s presidential election.

Horrifying? Yes. Surprising? Not so much. These developments fit a larger trend of Islamists ascending to power across the Middle East, following the upheavals that some took to be an Arab Spring. In this Q&A, I touch on some of the factors that account for the rise of Islamists in Egypt:

WJ: the situation that you portray is quite grim, but some would argue that the revolutions are still in their early stages, and the possibility of fundamental political changes, changes for the better, cannot be foreclosed. Do you see room for that kind of change, long term?

Journo: We should welcome political developments that bring greater freedom, meaning real respect for individual rights, for the people in that part of the world. We are better off when other nations truly move towards the protection of property rights, economic freedom, free speech—all of which are sorely lacking in the Middle East, with the notable exception of Israel. But for these political ideals to take root would require some fundamental changes in the political culture of the region.

What are the prospects for such fundamental changes? Doubtful. A major reason is the extent to which Islam permeates people’s thinking and conceptual lexicon. Take Egypt. One explanation for why the Islamists did so well in the elections is that the Muslim Brotherhood was so well established, with a broad network of followers and organizers, and the ability to get out the vote. That’s true, but a superficial explanation. It misses the real reason. The Salafis were far less organized politically, yet did remarkably well. Why?

What both groups have as an advantage over the quasi-secular groups is that the Islamists speak in the religious lexicon that all Muslims have been immersed in, even if they themselves are far from devout. Try advocating for a separation between state and religion—something unknown through most of Muslim history; when it became known through contact with the West, it was shunned. If you advocate for a state- religion separation, you’ll face resistance. If you advocate for a secular state, the Islamists easily undercut it by portraying it as Western, and discrediting “secular” by tying it to pseudo-secular dictators, like Mubarak and Assad, who have ruled for decades. The Islamists can easily vilify “secular” as immoral, even repressive. So secular-oriented activists have to talk in vague terms such as “civilian state” lest they appear to advocate an impious society. The sheer fact that you can discredit something by tagging it as Western is revealing.

That illustrates two things. First, it’s the religious groups that set the terms of debate, because they couch their arguments in moral terms, terms that resonate with a broad swath of the populace. Second, there’s little understanding of what secular society looks like—a fact evidenced in history by the dearth of terminology in Muslim lands to describe and conceptualize it, and in the present by the implicit equation of secular, or non-religious, with immorality. The few marginal, secular- leaning advocates are thus on the defensive, for fear that they be tarred as enemies of virtue and Allah’s law. Islam’s cultural influence provides a huge advantage to Islamists.

Another factor here is that for the last few decades, the region has seen a trend of increasing religiosity—a trend that Islamists both help to drive and benefit from politically. Many people see themselves first and foremost as Muslims, rather than as individuals, or even citizens of their country. They identify themselves more closely and consistently by their adherence to Islam. More Egyptians go to prayers. More mosques are sprouting up. According to one report I’ve seen, in 1986 there was one mosque for every 6,000 or so Egyptians. Nineteen years later—and after a doubling of the population—there was one mosque for every 700 or so people. More women are donning the hijab—without being coerced into it by state-run “morality police.” Amid an increase in religiosity, it is the ideologues of Islamic totalitarianism, espousing the need for restoring piety, who stand to gain not merely a respectful hearing, but also followers.

image: flickr/cc


Where’s Egypt heading?

On Wednesday, Egyptians went to the polls to choose their first freely elected president. What comes next, though, is far from clear, or hopeful; none of the leading candidates is particularly appetizing. Nor is it known what role the president would have. The NYT reports:

Among the many aspects of the race still shrouded in suspense are the future powers and responsibilities of the next president. A political deadlock prevented the drafting of a new constitution, paving the way for a power struggle between the new president, the elected Parliament and the self-appointed military council. The military council has said it will unilaterally issue an interim constitution before leaving power, but it has not yet done so. It was unclear how elected leaders might respond.

For more on Egypt and the political dynamics shaping the country, you may find this interview of interest.


Egypt punishes actor for “insulting Islam”

A court found Egypt’s most popular comic actor guilty on Tuesday of insulting Islam in roles in films mocking religious hypocrisy. . . . Mr. Imam [the actor] was convicted for performances in the blockbuster films “The Terrorist,” in which he plays a radical Islamist hiding among a moderate, middle-class family, and “Terrorism and Kabab,” in which his character becomes enraged at a lazy civil servant pretending to pray to avoid work. [NYT]

First, for context, let’s recall that Egypt was far from a bastion of freedom of speech. But it’s the political ascendancy of Islamist parties there that makes this story particularly notable. Likely the Islamists will crack down (even more severely than Mubarak did) on speech; one faction has signaled as much. Since the actor was seen as “a Mubarak friend,” however, it’s also possible this was payback: a settling of some old score by a faction of the interim military regime against a loyalist of the former ruler. These, then, are the depressingly limited political alternatives in Egypt: Islamists hostile to freedom, or  a dictatorial military clique hostile to freedom. Neither bodes well for U.S. interests.  (For more on the political culture of Egypt, you may be interested in a new interview that Yaron Brook and I did for the Whitehead Journal.)


Yaron Brook and Elan Journo discuss the “Arab Spring”

Praying time at Al Tahrir squareYaron Brook and Elan Journo recently sat down with the Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, a publication of Seton Hall University, for an interview on how to evaluate the upheavals in the Middle East.

Dr. Brook and Mr. Journo discussed, among other things, why Iran is a significant enemy to America and how we should respond to its threat, whether, as some insist, Saudi Arabia is really America’s ally, and if our use of oil serves to enrich our enemies.

The full text of the interview is here (PDF).

At the launch event for this issue in March, Elan Journo took part in a panel discussion at Seton Hall University in which he discussed how the U.S. should respond to “Arab Spring.” Mr. Journo’s fellow panelists were Alon Ben-Meir of New York University and Paul Sullivan of Georgetown University. The event was moderated by David A. Andelman, who is the editor of World Policy Journal.

image: flickr/cc


The enduring power of Egypt’s military

Seven years, ago under Mubarak, Egypt held parliamentary elections—largely as a token gesture to please the Bush administration. To constrain the outcome, Mubarak’s military regime blocked entrances to voting stations and beat up opponents. That was then.

What kind of power does the (putatively) interim military regime now exert?

[Egypt's] election commission, staffed by judges appointed by Egypt’s interim military rulers, rejected the appeals of 10 candidates who had been disqualified from the race last week on technicalities—against a backdrop of threats of protest and mass demonstration over the decision. [emphasis added]


The Muslim Brotherhood candidate

In an interview on PJTV the other day I talked about the prominent candidates for the presidency of Egypt. As a postscript to that interview, here are a few choice statements from the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidate, Khairat al-Shater, portrayed by some in the West as a kinder, gentler, more dealable-with, “moderate.” Hardly.

Then there’s Mr. Shater’s ideas about governance in general, spelled out in a lengthy talk he gave last year in Alexandria about the history, philosophy, methods and ambitions of the Brotherhood. …

A few sentences in Mr. Shater’s talk will come as music to Western ears: He calls for an independent judiciary, rule of law, economic development and the peaceful rotation of power.

But that has to be understood in the context of Mr. Shater’s broader aims: “Restoring Islam in its all-encompassing conception; subjugating people to God; instituting the religion of God; the Islamization of life.” His notion of an ideal citizen is a cadre: “Every individual in the Society should be . . . a walking Quran.” Similarly, his notion of religious piety is organizational commitment: “With individual piety the issues connected to organizational developing must also be present.”


How to get yourself discredited in the Egyptian elections

Egypt's Parliamentary ElectionsThe Egyptian presidential race is set to end in late May. Several candidates have been engulfed by damaging allegations — allegations that in themselves are revelatory of what matters in Egyptian political life.

So, try to guess:  Which of the following (purportedly) scandalous allegations have plagued — or in some cases, torpedoed — the presidential runs of politicians in Egypt?

A. Your mother is (allegedly) Jewish, making you a Jew.
B. Your mother is an American.
C. Your father is a Syrian, not an Egyptian, even though you’re an Egyptian.
D. You did not serve in the military.
E. All of the above.

Correct answer? E.

img: flickr/J. Rashad