New video discussing ARI’s Junior Fellows Program (May 15 application deadline)

For those passionate about Ayn Rand’s ideas and their application to today’s events, and who hope to turn that passion into a career, the Ayn Rand Institute offers this new video presentation. “3 Essential Tips for Aspiring Intellectuals” features Dr. Onkar Ghate, vice president of Intellectual Leadership and senior fellow at the Ayn Rand Institute, and Elan Journo, fellow and director of Policy Research at ARI. They discuss ARI’s new Junior Fellows Program—a unique opportunity to work full time on ARI’s staff for up to one year, and to gain real-world experience and vital skills alongside ARI’s senior intellectuals.

Note: For the 2013-2014 fellowship year, the deadline for applications is May 15.

 


Any way you slice it, Obamacare fleeces some to pay the medical bills of others

3466862143_c9005b6fdd_bObamacare requires young people to pay higher health insurance premiums in order to subsidize older people’s coverage. But don’t worry, say Obamacare’s defenders: Many young people will qualify for federal subsidies to offset the higher premiums. For example, health policy analyst Austin Frakt says, “[M]ost of the cross subsidization is not flowing from younger to older individuals. It’s flowing from the treasury to everyone with low enough incomes.”

This defense doesn’t hold water.

First, only those earning below 400% of the federal poverty level are eligible for subsidies, which means if you are a young single worker who makes more than $45,960 a year, you must pay the higher premiums imposed by Obamacare entirely out of your own pocket. In my view, even one young person fleeced to pay for the older generation’s health care expenses is too many.

Second, the government obtains money for the promised subsidies by confiscating funds from its citizens—in the form of taxes, borrowing, or printing money (this last effectively depletes savings). So when Frakt says the federal government will effectively be subsidizing the coverage of those older, what he means is that everyone (including young people) whose earnings are drained by the government will pay for the coverage of those older. But it’s wrong for the government to force any group of people—be they young, of higher-income, or classified by any other category—to pay the medical bills of others.

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Don’t drug companies have rights?

7637352_78d9d02e5d_bIn a recent op-ed Judith Stein of the Center for Medicare Advocacy explains why she thinks government should lower drug prices for Medicare recipients. The article is worth reading because it is an example of a pernicious assumption that permeates most health policy discussions.

Stein argues at length that lower drug prices would benefit Medicare recipients, the federal government and taxpayers. Considered out of context, who could oppose the possibility of cheaper life-saving drugs for the elderly?

But consider the means Stein supports to bring about this result—a congressional initiative to impose price controls on drug companies (a process dressed up by calling it a “rebate”).

By what right does the government dictate to drug companies—those who have spent billions of dollars and worked countless years to figure out how to alleviate the complex ills that can plague the human body—what they can charge for their efforts? Stein doesn’t bother to consider this issue in her article—the assumption is that since some people need cheaper drugs, it’s okay to pay the producers, not what they’re charging, but what the consumers decide is enough.

Imagine doing this in any other context—for example, walking into an Apple store, picking up an iPad that costs $499, deciding it’s not worth that much, slapping a hundred dollar bill on the counter and walking out. It would be inconceivable (not to mention a crime).

Yet this attitude is ever-present in health policy circles, where there is much discussion about how to distribute the efforts of others without any consideration of the rights of the producers. In this case, there is no consideration for the fact that these drugs belong to the companies that have invested the time and resources to produce them—and that nobody else has the right to decide the price at which they are sold.

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The fight against malaria [podcast episode #05]

On this episode of Eye to Eye, I had the opportunity to interview Richard Tren, a leading proponent for the use of DDT in the fight against the deadly disease malaria. Spread by the bite of a mosquito, malaria currently claims the lives of over half a million people a year—most of them children living in Africa.

Tren, who hails from South Africa, experienced first-hand a devastating malaria epidemic in the 1990s and saw how the re-introduction of DDT quickly brought the disease under control. At the same time, he saw anti-DDT advocates at the U.N. Stockholm Convention pushing hard for a world-wide DDT ban. This led him to become a founder of the organization Africa Fighting Malaria, where he is a director to this day.

One point he made that I found particularly interesting was that although people are coming at the disease from many angles (some search for an ever-elusive vaccine, others work on drugs to assuage symptoms, and still others concentrate their efforts on controlling the mosquitoes that carry the disease), in the end, it is the amount of wealth that a nation has that is its best protection against diseases like malaria. Free economies, in his view, are key for nations to rise out of poverty. In his view, there is a certain danger with foreign aid in that it stops countries from using their own resources to create sustainable programs. Although Tren calls Americans “generous” in their willingness to help, he also makes the point that if the people and governments in affected countries choose not to combat the problem themselves, eradication may be hopeless. I would add that the only proper outlet for this generosity is private charity, and not taxpayer funded foreign aid.

Some of the other topics Mr. Tren discusses in the podcast include:

  • The problem of disappearing honey bees
  • The use of pesticides in agriculture
  • How DDT works
  • Rachel Carson and the book Silent Spring
  • The role of DDT in the eradication of malaria in the United States
  • What led to the ban on DDT in the United States, and the consequences for the rest of the world
  • The safety of DDT
  • The problem of insecticide resistance
  • The unfounded view of DDT as a dangerous chemical

Richard Tren is co-author of the book The Excellent Powder: DDT’s Political and Scientific History and contributor to the book Silent Spring at 50: The False Crises of Rachel Carson.


A glimpse of the red tape that cab drivers deal with

Taxi SignI never cease to be shocked by how people who I meet on a regular basis are held back by regulations. For instance, I was having a nice conversation with a cab driver who was transporting me to my home after a business trip. He recently came to the country from Africa and he was ecstatic to be living here, especially in beautiful Southern California.

Naturally, I was curious to learn about the different kinds of regulations that taxi drivers must comply with. In California, my driver explained, cab drivers who have a local-government-issued permit to pick up passengers in one city are not necessarily permitted to make pickups in a neighboring city.

“How does this impact you?” I asked him.

He indicated that he often picks up passengers from John Wayne Airport in the city of Santa Ana, where he is licensed, and takes them to Disneyland. But since Disneyland is in the neighboring city of Anaheim, he is legally forbidden to pick up passengers there and take them back to the airport. Instead, he is forced to drive back to the airport without a passenger, wasting his time and costing him a potential fare.

Of course, he could try to jump through the regulatory hoops to get a permit from the city of Anaheim as well. But this requires money, time, and a lot of paperwork. And even if he tries, the city of Anaheim might not give him a permit anyway, because they may want to cap the number of cab drivers who are allowed to operate in their city, just as some other cities do.

This is yet another example of the often unseen aspect of the regulatory state: an imbroglio of rules that make it more cumbersome for decent, hardworking people to earn a living.

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How one academic warped Western views of the Middle East

What’s fascinating about the late Edward Said, a literature professor at Columbia, is how much (deleterious) impact he managed to have not only within academia, but far beyond. His career stands as a rebuke to the facile notion that “academic” necessarily means divorced from life, irrelevant. More than a decade after his death, Said’s influence on the field of Middle East studies—and on how many people in the West think about the region—remains indelible. By this point you might be asking: How does an English professor re-shape the study of the Middle East? That’s one of the questions touched on in Joshua Muravchik’s insightful piece at World Affairs:

Columbia University’s English Department may seem a surprising place from which to move the world, but this is what Professor Edward Said accomplished. He not only transformed the West’s perception of the Israel-Arab conflict, he also led the way toward a new, post-socialist life for leftism in which the proletariat was replaced by “people of color” as the redeemers of humankind.  [...]

The book that made Edward Said famous was Orientalism, published in 1978 when he was forty-three. Said’s objective was to expose the worm at the core of Western civilization, namely, its inability to define itself except over and against an imagined “other.” That “other” was the Oriental, a figure “to be feared . . . or to be controlled.” Ergo, Said claimed that “every European, in what he could say about the Orient, was . . . a racist, an imperialist, and almost totally ethnocentric.” Elsewhere in the text he made clear that what was true for Europeans held equally for Americans.

Muravchik’s lengthy article goes on to expose the dubious character of Said’s scholarship. Even some who sympathized with his outlook blushed at his methodology and dodgy inferences. And yet—tellingly—his views became a kind of orthodoxy.

(You might also consider reading Martin Kramer’s excellent monograph, Ivory Towers on Sand: The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in America, which is now available in PDF online. In a review  years ago I praised it, noting how Kramer skillfully explains the unlikely triumph of false ideas.)


What can go wrong if the UAW unionizes foreign automakers? Let history speak

GMC truck2If you want to imagine the potential hazards of the United Auto Workers unionizing foreign automakers’ factories in the American south, consider the following episode from the history of General Motors. It provides a glimpse of how bad things can get in a Wagner Act world where businesses are forced to deal with unions. (I am drawing my information from Paul Ingrassia’s Crash Course: The American Automobile Industry’s Road From Glory to Disaster.)

In early June 1998, then-current UAW-GM working arrangements allowed GM employees to go home once they met their daily production quotas. But employees at GM’s two Flint, Michigan, body plants were regularly meeting these quotas after four to five hours worth of work, and then heading home with a full eight hours’ worth of pay. If GM wanted employees to work in the afternoon, it needed to pay overtime. If GM wanted to stay competitive with its non-unionized Japanese rivals, then this kind of institutionalized inefficiency needed to go.

GM executives anticipated that directly fighting UAW representatives to end this long-standing practice would be too costly. So they instead relocated some of the Flint stamping equipment to other facilities where it could be used for eight hours worth of daily production. Equipment reallocation is commonly done at GM and at other large manufacturers. But, in this case, the UAW leadership perceived this move as a direct threat to their cushy working arrangement and more broadly feared what such a move could mean for job security down the line.

So they launched a strike.

Within one week, 9,200 GM employees walked out of two metal-processing plants in Flint. By abandoning their paid posts, these striking employees stopped production of vital car body parts. This sent shockwaves throughout GM’s entire supply chain, halting production at many assembly plants that depended on body parts produced at Flint. As a result, the strike idled 175,000 GM workers and tens of thousands more at plants owned by other companies that supplied parts for GM.

The strike was devastating. It lasted fifty-four days and cost GM roughly $2.2 billion. By one reckoning, because of the strike, the entire industrial production of the United States dropped by 1 percent for the month of June, the sharpest monthly decrease in five years. For GM, this was the costliest strike that they suffered in twenty-eight years. Once the strike ended, GM reluctantly returned the equipment to the Flint metal-stamping plant. While this happened in broad daylight, UAW members stood by cheering for what was basically a celebration of willful inefficiency.

Events like the 1998 GM strike remind us about the dangers of laws that force businesses to deal with unions.


The Jihad, two years after Bin Laden

Two years ago, Navy SEALs dispatched Osama Bin Laden in a spectacular raid on his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. The notion at the time was that the jihadists were done for, with Al Qaeda decapitated and its operations soon to be decimated.

But as I argued in my book (released in 2009), bringing Bin Laden to justice was essential but would be far from sufficient to thwart what we call the Islamic totalitarian movement, the cause of those seeking Islamic domination worldwide. The basic reason is that Al Qaeda is just one part of the movement, and Bin Laden was just one leader. If we conceptualize the forces we oppose as just Al Qaeda, or just the Taliban, or just random losers, etc., we fail to recognize that our enemy is moved by ideas and a common goal.

It remains to be seen whether the Boston bombers had contacts with jihadist enablers or groups; perhaps yes, perhaps no. But the fact remains that even without Bin Laden, the pernicious ideas fueling the jihad remain potent and continue to empower attacks against us.


Live webcast: “3 Essential Tips for Aspiring Intellectuals”

rh_jfpFor those passionate about Ayn Rand’s ideas and their application to today’s events, and who hope to turn that passion into a career, a free Livestream is coming next week. “3 Essential Tips for Aspiring Intellectuals” is the topic of a webcast featuring Dr. Onkar Ghate, vice president of Intellectual Leadership and senior fellow at the Ayn Rand Institute, and Elan Journo, fellow and director of Policy Research at ARI.

The hosts will be discussing ARI’s new Junior Fellows Program—a unique opportunity to work full time on ARI’s staff for up to one year, and to gain real-world experience and vital skills alongside ARI’s senior intellectuals.

For instructions on joining the webcast, RSVP here and instructions will come later. Also, those who submit a question that the hosts answer live during the webcast will receive a copy of Free Market Revolution in the mail.

Date: Tuesday, May 7, 2013
Time: 2:15 p.m. Pacific/5:15 p.m. Eastern

Those who don’t wish to participate can listen in live on ARI’s Facebook or Livestream pages.


What would American health care look like if the government didn’t control it?

6869336880_31ae61b74a_bAlmost 50% of all health care dollars in the United States are spent by the government, and the other half is spent by private insurers and individuals on a market that is heavily regulated and controlled by government.

What might medicine look like if government weren’t so deeply entrenched in it? It can be a tough thing to imagine, since government and medicine have been “joined at the hip” (to borrow a recent phrase from Obama) for more than half a century.

There are some Americans, however, who have lived long enough to remember the state of medicine when it was freer. In a recent op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, a doctor describes how his experience in medicine dramatically changed over the course of his medical career—and not for the better. Dr. Marsh says:

When I graduated from medical school in 1962, the profession of medicine was for many graduates an opportunity to provide care—as distinguished from, though aligned with, treatment—and to provide it to individuals, not to populations or governmentally specified groups. Young doctors hoped to establish an independent business, enjoy lifelong intellectual excitement as knowledge and therapies expanded, and have an income sufficient to live decently and support a family….

After eight years of postgraduate study, I opened a solo pediatrics practice in a community of 10,000 souls an hour from Boston. A number of lean years passed before I could build a robust practice. Yet the experience was exactly what I—and I think many of my colleagues—sought: a personal, direct and unimpeded relationship between me and those who chose to become my patients….

I had to give my acute attention to the price of every medical intervention. The costs could have a direct and painful impact on a family’s budget. So I had to know the prices for most of the medications I prescribed and of most of the tests I might order. I learned to play for time by waiting, when it was safe to, before ordering an X-ray or a test—and to substitute less-expensive medications for more costly ones wherever possible….

Then, in the mid-1970s, things changed, and we became enlightened. Third parties, typically the insurance companies, were interpolated between the physician and the patient. Some of the consequences were unfortunate….

Physician compensation is tied to “efficiencies,” which means reducing the outlays and costs to the group (translation: skimp where possible) and thus generating for internal distribution a larger share of the prepaid premiums….

Insurance relationships drove practice relationships.

What Dr. Marsh is referring to is the rise of HMOs in the 1970s, propped up by government subsidy. He describes how these government-bred entities transformed his relationship with patients from one in which their interests were aligned (the better care he took of his patients, the greater rewards he received) to one in which doctors had incentives to sacrifice the quality of patient care to pad their pockets. The whole editorial is worth reading.

Dr. Marsh describes how the quality of medicine fell as government intruded further in health care. His observations suggest that medicine would look radically better if it were completely unchained from government control, especially considering the remarkable technological advancements made in the last fifty years.

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