Author Archive:

Don Watkins

Don Watkins

Mr. Watkins is a fellow at the Ayn Rand Institute and co-author, along with Yaron Brook, of the national bestseller Free Market Revolution: How Ayn Rand’s Ideas Can End Big Government. He is a columnist at Forbes.com and his op-eds have appeared in such venues as The Guardian, USA Today, and Forbes magazine.


Don’t be confused by the Occupy Wall Street protesters

Here are my recent comments on the Occupy Wall Street protests:

Some Americans have expressed sympathy with the Occupy Wall Street protesters because they oppose bank bailouts and the incestuous relationship between Washington and Wall Street.

“Americans are understandably upset by what they see as ‘crony capitalism,’” said the Ayn Rand Center’s Don Watkins. “But the real motive of the protesters is not to end ‘crony capitalism’–it’s to attack real capitalism and end whatever is left of it in America.

“For years, Washington has favored certain bankers by intervening in the market. But that has nothing to do with genuine capitalism. Capitalism means that the government does one thing–protects us from force and fraud–leaving us free to conduct our economic affairs as we see fit. A capitalist government doesn’t intervene to pick winners and losers, or to save companies from their mistakes.

“But the Wall Street protests aren’t calling for an end to government intervention in markets–they want to increase it. Most of them, for example, want to increase wealth redistribution in the name of fighting income inequality.

“Contrary to their rhetoric, they do not oppose the banks on the grounds that Wall Street is in bed with Washington. Notice, for instance, the plans to protest outside the home of investor John Paulson, who cannot be accused of getting government favors, and the lack of complaints about taxpayer money being poured into GM, Chrysler, and Solyndra. They chose to protest Wall Street because, whatever its flaws, it symbolizes genuine capitalism.

“What the protesters object to is not government stacking the deck to determine winners and losers. They just want the government to pick different winners and losers. They want to take the ‘capitalism’ out of ‘crony capitalism’–not the other way around.”


Photo: Paul Stein


New Forbes.com Column: What We Owe Steve Jobs

Forbes.com has published the latest column by Yaron Brook and me, “What We Owe Steve Jobs.”

Watching the world mourn Steve Jobs, we are reminded of how massive crowds of Americans used to gather to celebrate the launch of a new bridge or a new railroad. There is a widespread recognition that Jobs was a creative genius who changed our world profoundly and for the better. Even President Obama, not usually given to praising businessmen, said that Jobs “transformed our lives, redefined entire industries, and achieved one of the rarest feats in human history: he changed the way each of us sees the world.”

All of this raises an important and to-date unasked question: what do we owe Jobs and productive geniuses like him?

You can read the entire column here.


Elizabeth Warren’s Social Shakedown

If intellectual obscenities could be ranked, it would be hard to outdo Elizabeth Warren’s recent tirade against America’s wealth creators:

There is nobody in this country who got rich on his own. Nobody.

You built a factory out there? Good for you. But I want to be clear: you moved your goods to market on the roads the rest of us paid for; you hired workers the rest of us paid to educate; you were safe in your factory because of police forces and fire forces that the rest of us paid for. You didn’t have to worry that marauding bands would come and seize everything at your factory, and hire someone to protect against this, because of the work the rest of us did.

Now look, you built a factory and it turned into something terrific, or a great idea? God bless. Keep a big hunk of it. But part of the underlying social contract is you take a hunk of that and pay forward for the next kid who comes along.

There is a lot one could say about this quote–notice, for instance, that it totally ignores the benefits made possible by the factory–but I’ll confine myself to this: underlying Warren’s rant is a disastrous view of the proper relationship between the individual and society.

On Warren’s view, society is some collective entity with its own interests and prerogatives, and if you want to be a part of society, you have to surrender some of your interests and prerogatives–above all, some of your freedom. Warren calls it a “social contract.” I call it a “social shakedown.”

The Founding Fathers, in a view they inherited from Locke and which was elaborated by Ayn Rand, had a radically different view of the relationship between the individual and society. They held that society is not some collective entity. It is only a collection of individuals–each with his own aims and interests. The basic problem of politics, they held, was how sovereign individuals could gain the benefits of living in society without surrendering their ability to pursue their own interests.

The solution was to base society on the principle of individual rights: each individual has an inalienable right to life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness. You were free to live your life for your own sake and according to your own independent judgment. The government’s job was simple: to make sure no one interfered in that pursuit by violating your rights. Not to build roads or schools or to confiscate what you earn when you build a factory. To protect your freedom.

The result was the first voluntary society in history–a society where people dealt with one another only by mutual consent to mutual advantage. In such a society, if no voluntary cooperation is possible, individuals are free to go their own way.

In a voluntary society there is no such thing as some undefined, unlimited debt to “society.” Those who educate workers, pave roads, or put out fires are fully remunerated for their work by their customers. They have no further claim on anyone’s wealth–to say nothing of the bizarre idea that their services give Elizabeth Warren or Barack Obama a claim on anyone’s wealth. As for the government itself, that’s more complicated. A limited government is indispensible for individuals to flourish and we certainly have a moral obligation to pay for it. But in today’s context, when most of what government does is violate rights, interfere with wealth creators, and tax away their profits, it takes no small amount of chutzpah to talk about the debt they owe to government.

Individuals do create wealth, and morally they have a right to the wealth they create. But to appreciate that, you have to reject Warren’s collectivist social shakedown in favor of the individualist tradition of the Founding Fathers.


New Forbes.com Column: The Entitlement State is Morally Bankrupt

Forbes.com has just published the latest column by Yaron Brook and me, “The Entitlement State is Morally Bankrupt.”

The basic principle behind the entitlement state is that a person’s need entitles him to other people’s wealth. It’s that you have a duty to spend some irreplaceable part of your life laboring, not for the sake of your own life and happiness, but for the sake of others. If you are productive and self-supporting, then according to the entitlement state, you are in hock to those who aren’t. In Marx’s memorable phrase: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.”

As we’ve argued in past columns, no system that treats you as other people’s servant can be called moral. What made America the noblest nation in history was that it was the first country founded on the idea that each of us has a right to live and work for our own sake, that it’s our own job to try to make the most of our life, and that the government’s sole purpose is to protect our freedom to do so.

Some have raised objections to this line of argument, however. Here are three of the most popular objections.

You can read the whole column here.


“Duties” vs. Obligations

In my latest Forbes.com column (co-authored by Yaron Brook), “What’s Missing from the Budget Debate,” I argue that to cut the entitlement state, you have to reject the morality of need and defend the individual’s right to live and work solely for his own sake. Ira Stoll at Future of Capitalism raises an interesting objection:

I don’t think it’s necessary to reject responsibility for your brother or your neighbor in order to support some entitlement reform or reductions. It’s possible to accept responsibility (or choose to accept responsibility) for your brother or neighbor, without accepting it for all Americans, or for the whole world. One can have different levels of obligation to people in different circles. At issue in the entitlement debate Messrs. Brook and Watkins are writing about is what obligation, if any, Americans have to each other as Americans, since not even the far left, so far as I can tell, is talking about including the entire world’s population into Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security.

Here’s my response, posted in his comments:

Thanks for taking note of our column, Ira, and for your thoughtful comments. I think, however, that framing the issue in terms of “circles of obligation” clouds the issue because it blurs a crucial distinction: obligations an individual voluntarily accepts in pursuit of his own interests, and unchosen obligations an individual supposedly has that demand him to sacrifice his interests.

I would argue that a person pursuing his self-interest has all sorts of voluntarily-accepted obligations. For instance, I have obligations to treat my wife a certain way, not as some painful duty, but in order to foster a relationship that means a tremendous amount to me. Similarly, I’m contractually obligated to write the best columns I can for my employer.

That is radically different from the idea that there are people I have a self-sacrificial duty to help regardless of their value to me. Once you accept that idea, it doesn’t matter whether you happen to think it applies only to certain others. You’ve conceded the essential issue: the individual is not sovereign, and the needs of his neighbor trump his pursuit of happiness. It’s hard to see how you can then defend against the person who says that your “neighbor” ought to include your entire town, or city, or county, or planet. Indeed, isn’t that what moralists like Peter Singer (to say nothing of Christian theorists) have argued?

In my view, you can’t fight the welfare state by defending the welfare town. You have to fight for the individual’s moral and political right to pursue his own self-interest.

Ayn Rand addresses some of these issues at aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/charity.html and aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/sacrifice.html. I encourage anyone interested to take a look.


New Forbes.com Column: What’s Missing from the Budget Debate

Forbes.com has just published the latest column by Yaron Brook and me, “What’s Missing from the Budget Debate.”

House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan’s budget has come under severe attack for daring to curtail some elements of the entitlement state. Although we are certainly not defenders of the plan’s details–it doesn’t even cut spending–what’s striking is how easily its supporters have been put on the moral defensive, and to how devastating an effect.

You can read the whole column here.


New Forbes.com Column: When It Comes to Wealth Creation, There Is No Pie

Forbes.com has just published the latest column by Yaron Brook and me, “When It Comes to Wealth Creation, There is No Pie.”

Metaphors, to use an overused metaphor, are a double-edged sword: sometimes they clarify, sometimes they confuse. One metaphor responsible for a great deal of confusion is that of wealth as a pie–a metaphor that shows up again and again in debates over income inequality.

You can read the whole column here.

 


New Forbes.com Column: It’s Time To Kill The ‘Robin Hood’ Myth

Forbes.com has just published the latest column by Yaron Brook and me, “It’s Time to Kill the ‘Robin Hood’ Myth.”

If you were to judge by the rhetoric, you might think that Paul Ryan’s plan for reducing the federal deficit slashed the government’s budget by 90%, and funded the killing of kittens to boot. E.J. Dionne, for instance, calls it “radical,” “irresponsible,” and “extreme,” and asks, is this “the end of progressive government?” The truth is that Ryan actually proposes increasing government spending in the coming years–just at a lower rate than current projections. So why are Ryan’s critics so up in arms?

Because Ryan’s plan dares to touch (albeit, merely to scratch) the untouchable entitlement state. Ryan’s plan would, among other things, trim and reorganize Medicare and Medicaid and reduce federal support for education. To the plan’s critics, this amounts to “reverse-Robin Hood redistribution,” as former vice chairman of the Federal Reserve Alan Blinder put it. “[A]bout two-thirds of Mr. Ryan’s so-called courageous budget cuts would come from programs serving low- and moderate-income Americans, while the rich would gain from copious tax cuts.”

The “reverse-Robin Hood” line suggests that Ryan’s plan robs from “the poor” and gives to “the rich.” But cutting entitlements is not robbery–and cutting taxes isn’t a gift.

You can read the whole column here.


P.J. O’Rourke doesn’t get Ayn Rand

In his blistering review of the new Atlas Shrugged movie, political humorist P.J. O’Rourke vows not to criticize Rand’s novel itself. “I don’t have the guts,” he assures us. “If you associate with Randians—and I do—saying anything critical about Ayn Rand is almost as scary as saying anything critical to Ayn Rand.”

I will try not to scare Mr. O’Rourke. But his treatment of Rand includes a number of errors (and, notwithstanding his declaration of cowardice, a number of insults). Most of them aren’t worth addressing, but one goes to the essence of Rand’s thought: her view of selfishness.  Here is how O’Rourke describes Rand’s view:

In “Atlas Shrugged” Rand set out to prove that self-interest is vital to mankind. This, of course, is the whole point of free-market classical liberalism and has been since Adam Smith invented free-market classical liberalism by proving the same point.

The idea is that Rand had nothing new to say about self-interest or free markets, but was merely fictionalizing Smith’s “invisible hand” argument. Rand, however, didn’t see it that way. During a radio appearance, she described the difference between her defense of capitalism and Smith’s:

I am not an advocate of Adam Smith’s philosophy. I do not believe in invisible hands leading men to altruism through the pursuit of their private interests. I reject altruism, public service, and the public good as the moral justification of free enterprise. Altruism is what’s destroying capitalism. Adam Smith was a brilliant economist; I agree with many of his economic theories. But I disagree with his attempt to justify capitalism on altruistic grounds. My defense of capitalism is based on individual rights, as was the American Founding Fathers’, who were not altruists. They did not say man should exist for others; they said he should pursue his own happiness.

Rand was not picking nits. In Atlas Shrugged and in her nonfiction works, she shows that there is an inescapable contradiction between the morality of altruism, which says that the good consists of self-sacrifice, and capitalism, which enshrines the selfish pursuit of profit. This contradiction, she argues, is what explains the disintegration of economic freedom in America: although the Founding Fathers created a system based on the individual’s political right to pursue his own happiness, that system could not stand without a defense of the individual’s moral right to pursue his own happiness.

That is what Atlas Shrugged provides—a new code of morality that defines the good in terms of what is required for each individual to make the most of his own life, and so lays the foundation for a social system in which the individual can make the most of his own life.  (This is the theme of my colleague Onkar Ghate’s riveting talk, Atlas Shrugged and the Morality of Freedom.)

Rand’s point and Smith’s are anything but the same. Smith proposed that free markets lead self-interested actors “as if by an invisible hand” to act for the “public good.” But morally speaking, he said, self-interest was not noble. That is precisely what Rand—author of The Virtue of Selfishness—challenged.

Rand did not champion self-interest for its social consequences, because it was “vital to mankind.” Rather, she championed self-interest  (what she called rational self-interest) because it is vital to each individual. The essence of virtue, she argued, is the individual’s pursuit and achievement of his own interests. And markets? They are moral because they free the individual to pursue and achieve his own self-interest.

Whatever one’s evaluation of Rand’s argument, there is no question that she is saying something profoundly new and challenging.

In 2006, O’Rourke wrote a commentary on Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations because he noticed that, while everyone talks about Smith’s ideas, few have a clue what he actually said. It’s a lesson that O’Rourke might have seen fit to apply to another of capitalism’s great champions.


New Forbes.com Column: The Road To Socialized Medicine Is Paved With Pre-existing Conditions – Part 3

Forbes.com has just published the latest column by Yaron Brook and me, part 3 on the subject of ObamaCare and the debate over preexisting conditions. In this installment, we describe how a the attempt to stop insurers from taking into account preexisting conditions is paving the way for socialized medicine.

The preexisting condition rule places crippling limits on the ability of insurers to create policies based on their best assessment of risk. It will turn them into essentially passive middlemen, who no longer appraise and control risk, but who merely perform the administrative function of doling out health care benefits. It’s only a matter of time before people start to ask: Why not save money by cutting out the middleman? (That, indeed, is what happened with student loans. After decades of subsidies and regulations, the government shoved the banks aside and took over the student loan market.)

You can read the whole column here.