Author Archive:

Doug Altner

Doug Altner, Ph.D., is an analyst at the Ayn Rand Center, focusing on labor and industrial policy. He also teaches through many of the institute's educational programs, specializing in capitalism and free market economics.


Regulations versus food trucks in New York City

Off The GridOne nice thing about living in Orange County, California, is that food trucks are seemingly everywhere that is convenient. A waffle food truck pulls into my apartment complex, offering a late Saturday breakfast. Different trucks rotate in on Thursday evening, offering a quick dinner. Food trucks visit the corporate park where I work, offering lunch. Food trucks also have a strong presence at local parks and events. And the variety is wide: I have seen food trucks serving lobster, sushi, pizza, Thai, vegetarian, Mexican, monster burgers, etc. If you can think of the food, it is probably served out of a truck in Orange County.

Orange County, California, is surely no free market when it comes to the mobile food industry. But contrast the industry’s presence in O.C. to the dearth of food trucks in New York City, as described in this recent New York Times column:

As I was walking through Prospect Park recently, I wanted to find a healthful snack for my son and something for me. The only options, though, were the same sort of carts that my dad took me to in the ’70s: Good Humor ice cream, overpriced cans of soda and overboiled hot dogs sitting in cloudy water. This seemed ridiculous. In the past few decades, food in New York City has gone through a complete transformation, but the street-vendor market, which should be more nimble, barely budges. Shouldn’t there be four Wafels & Dinges trucks for every hot-dog cart?

Why are food trucks not easy to find in New York City? He blames regulations:

There are numerous (and sometimes conflicting) regulations required by the departments of Health, Sanitation, Transportation and Consumer Affairs. These rules are enforced, with varying consistency, by the New York Police Department. As a result, according to City Councilman Dan Garodnick, it’s nearly impossible (even if you fill out the right paperwork) to operate a truck without breaking some law. Trucks can’t sell food if they’re parked in a metered space . . . or if they’re within 200 feet of a school . . . or within 500 feet of a public market . . . and so on.

Things can get so bad that one food-truck employee spent eight hours in jail for vending falafels without the proper license!

The author concludes by comparing New York City regulations with the Third World:

In Ecuador, for example, it takes about 56 days and 13 separate procedures to get all the legal paperwork done to start a new business. In the United States, it’s an average of six days and six procedures. But if you want to open a mobile-food business in New York, it’s essentially like starting a business in Ecuador — and that’s if you can somehow arrange a permit.

I do not agree with everything the author says, but this whole article is worth reading because it illustrates how regulations can mire and discourage business activity.

Photo Credit: Telstar Logistics via Compfight cc


A glimpse of the red tape that cab drivers deal with

Taxi SignI never cease to be shocked by how people who I meet on a regular basis are held back by regulations. For instance, I was having a nice conversation with a cab driver who was transporting me to my home after a business trip. He recently came to the country from Africa and he was ecstatic to be living here, especially in beautiful Southern California.

Naturally, I was curious to learn about the different kinds of regulations that taxi drivers must comply with. In California, my driver explained, cab drivers who have a local-government-issued permit to pick up passengers in one city are not necessarily permitted to make pickups in a neighboring city.

“How does this impact you?” I asked him.

He indicated that he often picks up passengers from John Wayne Airport in the city of Santa Ana, where he is licensed, and takes them to Disneyland. But since Disneyland is in the neighboring city of Anaheim, he is legally forbidden to pick up passengers there and take them back to the airport. Instead, he is forced to drive back to the airport without a passenger, wasting his time and costing him a potential fare.

Of course, he could try to jump through the regulatory hoops to get a permit from the city of Anaheim as well. But this requires money, time, and a lot of paperwork. And even if he tries, the city of Anaheim might not give him a permit anyway, because they may want to cap the number of cab drivers who are allowed to operate in their city, just as some other cities do.

This is yet another example of the often unseen aspect of the regulatory state: an imbroglio of rules that make it more cumbersome for decent, hardworking people to earn a living.

Image: wpclipart


What can go wrong if the UAW unionizes foreign automakers? Let history speak

GMC truck2If you want to imagine the potential hazards of the United Auto Workers unionizing foreign automakers’ factories in the American south, consider the following episode from the history of General Motors. It provides a glimpse of how bad things can get in a Wagner Act world where businesses are forced to deal with unions. (I am drawing my information from Paul Ingrassia’s Crash Course: The American Automobile Industry’s Road From Glory to Disaster.)

In early June 1998, then-current UAW-GM working arrangements allowed GM employees to go home once they met their daily production quotas. But employees at GM’s two Flint, Michigan, body plants were regularly meeting these quotas after four to five hours worth of work, and then heading home with a full eight hours’ worth of pay. If GM wanted employees to work in the afternoon, it needed to pay overtime. If GM wanted to stay competitive with its non-unionized Japanese rivals, then this kind of institutionalized inefficiency needed to go.

GM executives anticipated that directly fighting UAW representatives to end this long-standing practice would be too costly. So they instead relocated some of the Flint stamping equipment to other facilities where it could be used for eight hours worth of daily production. Equipment reallocation is commonly done at GM and at other large manufacturers. But, in this case, the UAW leadership perceived this move as a direct threat to their cushy working arrangement and more broadly feared what such a move could mean for job security down the line.

So they launched a strike.

Within one week, 9,200 GM employees walked out of two metal-processing plants in Flint. By abandoning their paid posts, these striking employees stopped production of vital car body parts. This sent shockwaves throughout GM’s entire supply chain, halting production at many assembly plants that depended on body parts produced at Flint. As a result, the strike idled 175,000 GM workers and tens of thousands more at plants owned by other companies that supplied parts for GM.

The strike was devastating. It lasted fifty-four days and cost GM roughly $2.2 billion. By one reckoning, because of the strike, the entire industrial production of the United States dropped by 1 percent for the month of June, the sharpest monthly decrease in five years. For GM, this was the costliest strike that they suffered in twenty-eight years. Once the strike ended, GM reluctantly returned the equipment to the Flint metal-stamping plant. While this happened in broad daylight, UAW members stood by cheering for what was basically a celebration of willful inefficiency.

Events like the 1998 GM strike remind us about the dangers of laws that force businesses to deal with unions.


On unionization and the UAW’s campaign in the South

VolkswagenRecently, United Auto Workers leaders have been urging autoworkers in American Nissan, Volkswagen and Mercedes-Benz plants to organize with the UAW. If any of these unionization attempts is successful, then one of these facilities would become the first unionized foreign-owned automobile assembly plant in the right-to-work South.

There are many reasons why an automaker may not want its plants unionized, especially by the UAW. They may observe the history of GM’s struggles with the UAW, seeing how the UAW organized crippling strikes that shut down operations for over a month. They might see how the UAW managed to obtain costly benefits that GM could not afford to pay, such as a “jobs bank” that paid employees not to work, and rules that allowed workers to retire with full pensions in their 50s. They might also see how the UAW obtained 2,000-page “bargaining agreements,” which imposed numerous counterproductive work rules that made it cumbersome for simple and time-sensitive tasks to be completed in a timely manner. For example, work rules required employees to summon a senior electrician and a senior motor repairman to be present for a simple motor repair job that any junior employee could perform.

Nevertheless, even if Volkswagen, Nissan, or Mercedes-Benz wants to ward off UAW representation, they are legally forbidden from doing so. The Wagner Act deems it to be an “unfair labor practice” for businessmen to discourage employees from unionizing. The Wagner Act also mandates that if the union can collect enough employee signatures, an election must be held to decide whether that union will represent the workforce, regardless of the wishes of the employer. If the union wins a majority in the election, then the Act forces the employer to recognize the union as the exclusive bargaining agent of all employees in the bargaining unit. The Wagner Act also forces employers to negotiate with unions “in good faith” once employees are unionized. I have previously blogged about how this forced arrangement can gradually lead to more and more costly and unreasonable burdens.

Hence, no matter how much any of these automakers may prefer not to have their U.S. factories unionized, labor laws make them sitting ducks at the mercy of organized labor. They are legally forbidden from doing anything to prevent unionization and instead can be pulled into a forced courtship, followed by a forced marriage, followed by many rounds of forced marriage counseling where unions can repeat the tactics that weighed down GM. Meanwhile, as my colleague Tom Bowden has pointed out elsewhere, non-unionized competitors can nimbly adapt the latest technologies and processes without being bogged down by labor disputes over every innovation that could potentially eliminate jobs that are no longer economical.

Why can’t we move to a system in which business and labor relationships are completely voluntary? One in which businessmen are free to decide for themselves whether it is good for business to work with certain unions, including the freedom to work with union leaders who raise reasonable concerns while refusing to deal with those who make unreasonable demands?

Image: 4028mdk09 at Wikimedia Commons


To cope with Affordable Care Act, Regal Entertainment cuts hours of thousands

RegalFor those who may have missed this recent story:

The nation’s largest movie theater chain has cut the hours of thousands of  employees, saying in a company memo that ObamaCare requirements are to  blame.

Regal Entertainment Group, which operates more than 500 theaters in 38 states,  last month rolled back shifts for non-salaried workers to 30 hours per week,  putting them under the threshold at which employers are required to provide  health insurance.

One Regal theater manager told FoxNews.com the move has sparked a wave of  resignations from full-time managers who have seen their hours cut by 25 percent  or more.

“In the last couple weeks, managers have been quitting on a daily basis from  various locations to try and find full-time work,” said the manager, who asked  not to be named. “Regal up until now has never restricted anyone to anything  below 40 hours.”

The manager told FoxNews.com ObamaCare has had the unintended consequence of  taking food off his table.

“Mandating businesses to offer health care under threat  of debilitating fines does not fix a problem, it creates one,” he  said. “It fosters a new business culture where 30 hours is now  considered the maximum in order to avoid paying the high costs associated  with this law.

“In a time where 40 hours is just getting us by, putting these kind of  financial pressures on employers is a big step in a direction far beyond the  reach of feasibility for not only the businesses, but for the employees who  rely on their success,” he said.

The Affordable Care Act makes it illegal for most employers to hire a full-time employee without also providing him with health insurance (or paying a hefty fine.) Commanding employers to provide health insurance does not change the fact that it does not make business sense to provide it in some cases. So it should not be surprising that some employers are instead choosing to scale back employee hours.

Image: Anthony22 at Wikimedia Commons


Hardee’s / Carl’s Jr. CEO on California’s anti-business climate

In a recent brief media appearance, Andy Puzder—the CEO of the parent company of the Hardee’s and Carl’s Jr. fast food chains—discussed how difficult it is to do business in California’s regulatory environment. Here is my summary of a few of the things that he brought up:

  • Due to regulations, it takes on average 240 days to build a restaurant in California compared to the 60 days it takes in Texas, or even the 125-175 days it takes in Russia.
  • Because the state prevents managers from performing too many “non-managerial tasks,” he has to pay his managers in California restaurants as hourly employees so that they can also legally pitch in on things such as food preparation or working the register when an additional hand is needed.
  • And because the state of California has severe restrictions on the working arrangements of hourly employees—mandatory break times, mandatory overtime pay, etc.—he has had to regrettably fire managers who were working too hard. It did not make business sense to pay any one employee that much overtime.

You can watch the whole interview here or by clicking on the embedded video below.

Puzder also indicated that his company is focusing on building new restaurants in states with fewer regulations, such as Texas and Tennessee, rather than in California. I wonder how many other businesses are choosing to not locate in California due to its regulatory environment?


A unionized McDonald’s?

McDonaldsNYCYou arrive at McDonald’s at 1:15 p.m. You deliberately came after lunch rush hour to avoid long lines. But there is still a considerable wait, and the lines seem to be much longer ever since McDonald’s unionized in early 2014.

One of the two open registers is manned by an impudent teen who is horsing around with his buddy and only half paying attention to the customer trying to order. This is the same kid who you’ve seen snicker when a hefty customer ordered a large meal and get annoyed whenever he has to process a complex order. You have even seen an elderly woman catch him deliberately short-changing her. But, for some reason, he still works here.

In addition to the long line to order, there is also a fairly long line of customers waiting for their food. A few employees are assembling sandwiches as quickly as they can. But there is plenty of room for others to pitch in, and yet two teens are idling by the McCafé equipment because their job is to make shakes, frappes, and smoothies, and not hamburgers.

After you finally get your food, you head over to the condiments station only to learn that the ketchup dispenser needs to be refilled. You notify the closest employee, but he quickly informs you that he is “on break.” He does not bother to relay your concern to any of his co-workers.

Heading back to the counter to ask for ketchup packets, you wonder whatever happened to service with a smile.

Farfetched? The undeniable fact is that we see these kinds of problems in unionized industries all of the time. Hostess, whose product distribution was organized by the Teamsters, was infamously plagued by strict union work rules that required bread and cake products to be delivered by separate trucks, even if they were going to the same location. And separate employees were needed to unload the trucks; the drivers were forbidden to do so.

Furthermore, a former supervisor of UAW employees at GM describes how the union working arrangements made it frustratingly difficult to get workers to exert additional effort:

I supervised a loading dock and 21 UAW workers who worked approximately five hours per day for eight hours’ pay. They could easily load one-third more rail cars and still maintain their union-negotiated break times, but when I tried to make them increase production ever so slightly they sabotaged my ability to make even the current production levels by hiding stock, calling in sick, feigning equipment problems …

Further still, union lawsuits make it difficult to fire even the most difficult of employees, even in seemingly open-and-shut cases where autoworkers are caught drinking and doing drugs on the job.

The list goes on and on.

I have written before on how labor laws force businesses to negotiate with unions, as well as how this coercive legal environment can allow a union to impose an unreasonable burden on a company. This is important to keep in mind, especially since there are prominent figures such as Robert Reich who want to see a unionized McDonald’s, and there are organized street protesters demanding as much.


Throwing Your Fellow Businessmen Under The Minimum Wage Bus

CostcoI am disappointed to see some CEOs of large businesses voicing support for raising the federally mandated minimum wage. For instance, Craig Jelinek—the CEO and President of Costco—said:

“An important reason for the success of Costco’s business model is the attraction and retention of great employees. Instead of minimizing wages, we know it’s a lot more profitable in the long term to minimize employee turnover and maximize employee productivity, commitment and loyalty. We support efforts to increase the federal minimum wage.”

I do not think a business leader should ever ask the federal government to raise the minimum wage. An executive like Jelinek is completely free to pay all of his employees above the current minimum wage—and he does. Jelinek argues that this is good for his business. It might be. But it is probably very difficult to calculate whether such a strategy is paying off. Regardless, shouldn’t this be something that every business leader is free to decide for himself?

Not if we listen to Jelinek. When he encourages the government to raise the minimum wage, he is implying that businessmen should be deprived of this freedom. He is asking the government to force all businessmen to pay at least $9 per hour even if they cannot afford it, even if this consumes their budget for expansion and growth.

David Houston, an owner of the Barney’s Beanery bar and restaurant chain in the Los Angeles area, argues that being forced to pay higher wages means that he may have to “look to cut staff.” He also states that “It would just squeeze the heck out of us. … It would effectively absorb about half of my profits on a monthly basis if we went to $9.25.” Houston already successfully took the Beanery from a popular single location to five-location chain in roughly ten years. If his profits are slashed, will he have the money to continue growing?

By actively calling for an increased minimum wage, Jelinek is effectively calling for businessmen like Houston—and would-be entrepreneurs—to be thrown under the bus.

Image: Coolcaesar at Wikimedia Commons


Business and Regulation Roundup

Here are some recent accounts of the government’s involvement in business activity that I found worth reading:

  • Gasoline Regulations. The EPA is ratcheting up regulations on oil refiners, requiring that the average amount of sulfur in gasoline be at most 10 parts per million, instead of 30 parts per million. Refiners indicate that this could raise the price of gasoline by nearly 10 cents per gallon.
  • Dell Buyout. In an effort to turn around their company, Dell is entertaining a buyout offer from a private equity firm. But, like all such deals, the government is heavily involved. This deal required a 274-page report to be filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission as well as a review process that could take five to ten weeks.
  • Airline Merger. The court administering American Airlines’ bankruptcy approved a merger with US Airways, a major milestone on the path to forming the world’s largest commercial airline. Antitrust authorities, however, are still reviewing the planned merger.
  • Big-Box Retailer Discrimination. Washington, D.C., legislators are trying to pass a bill that will force large big-box retailers—Walmart, Costco, Home Depot—to pay at least $11.75 per hour, plus benefits, and this wage would be pegged to increase with a local consumer price index.
  • Nanny State Defenders. The New York Times recently ran an op-ed in which philosopher Sarah Conly defended New York City’s attempted ban on large sugary drinks as well as other such paternalistic interventions in principle. Although I completely reject her view, I find it worth reading because it is a well-articulated argument that any defender of free market capitalism needs to answer to convince others of the virtues of a free society. In particular, note how she quickly goes into one of the fundamental issues in the battle for capitalism: the view of man. Is every man a sovereign individual worthy and able to live his life for his own sake? Or are we a society of imbeciles incapable of taking care of ourselves without the oversight of a few elites?

Government Redirecting Corn Into Your Gas Tank

ethanol2012 saw possibly the worst drought in over fifty years. This has devastated corn yields and driven up the price of corn. In terms of surging costs, this would be bad enough for individuals, especially those in the corn-using businesses such as food and livestock farming. However, on top of this, the government is making things even worse. By forcing gasoline makers to use an increasing amount of ethanol as part of the Renewable Fuel Standard regulations, the government is making corn even more expensive, making it even more scarce for its normal uses, and changing the composition of gasoline to something other than what cars were designed to use.

This ethanol mandate reminds me of the sequence in Atlas Shrugged where regulators inexplicably demand that Taggart Transcontinental rush grapefruits across the country. This forces the cancellation of a coal train and leaves many regions to suffer the consequences of not having a basic source of electricity.

Like the grapefruit mandate, the effects of the government’s ethanol mandate are rippling throughout the economy, and not just in the food and agriculture businesses. Here are some fairly recent reports of effects that are either caused or exacerbated by the ethanol mandate:

How many of these things would be occurring if the government was not diverting corn into gasoline?