Archive for August, 2010


Epstein in WSJ: lesson of the Santa Barbara oil spill

In the Wall Street Journal, my colleague Alex Epstein argues that overreaction to the 1969 Santa Barbara oil spill left the country dangerously vulnerable. The piece begins:

Which former president does Barack Obama most resemble? When it comes to handling oil spills, the answer is Richard Nixon. Like our current president, Nixon too presided over a major offshore oil blowout—the three million gallon Santa Barbara spill of 1969. And, like Mr. Obama, Nixon responded by whipping up anti-oil sentiment and passing a sweeping moratorium on drilling.

This parallel is important to keep in mind, because Nixon’s reaction helped cause the worst energy crisis in American history.

Read the whole thing.


Another needless dispute over national parks

There are 391 national parks in America. You might think you could visit any such park to relax on a vacation, without being confronted by spokesmen for religious, political, or social movements. But you would be wrong.

Because national parks are “public property,” not private property, any restrictions on expressive activities such as leafleting, oratory, and picketing must pass First Amendment scrutiny, since such restrictions are government actions. (The First Amendment doesn’t apply to private decisions on private property.) To the extent any national park is a “public forum” for debate (this varies from park to park), the government’s attitude must be “hands off.”

Until recently, to maintain a recreational atmosphere, the national parks required anyone engaging in First Amendment activity to obtain a permit in advance. But now a federal appellate court, in a case called Boardley v. U.S. Dep’t of the Interior, has declared the permit system unconstitutional, at least as it applies to individuals and small groups.

My point is not to criticize or praise the D.C. Circuit’s decision, because there is no way to decide such a case correctly. That’s because the institution of “public property” creates insoluble conflicts among individuals. Citizens who just want to relax in a park have no use for speakers peddling controversy—but speakers peddling controversy want nothing more than to shake vacationers out of their complacency. Because both groups are composed of taxpayers who “own” the park, both have a plausible claim to use it for their own purposes. As a result, their disputes end up in court, where judges are supposed to “balance” the two sides where no scales of justice exist. Read the rest of this entry »


Those who trespass against us

This fall, the Supreme Court will take up a case involving anti-gay demonstrators who travel around the country ruining military funerals with inflammatory messages. If you find yourself interested in following this case’s complexities, I urge you to keep in mind one important principle: property rights.

The case is called Snyder v. Phelps. Albert Snyder’s only son, Matthew, was a marine who was killed in Iraq. Matthew’s funeral was held at St. John’s Catholic Church in Westminster, Maryland. On the day of the event, protestors from the Westboro Church positioned themselves at the main entrance to the church property. In response, the funeral procession was moved to an alternate entrance—but still the demonstrators were only 200 to 300 feet away. They carried signs saying “Thank God for Dead Soldiers,” “You’re Going to Hell,” and “God Hates You.” One held a picture of two males engaged in anal sexual intercourse. (The demonstrators’ motives in all this are a mystical mish-mash unworthy of serious consideration.)

As this case progresses, here’s the question I’d like you to think about: How were the protestors able to get close enough for their signs to be easily legible—close enough so that family members with their eyes open had no choice but to  see those ugly signs on a day of mourning? The answer, I suggest, lies in that familiar institution known as “public property.” We take it for granted that streets and sidewalks are, and must be, publicly owned. But look where that leads: Any taxpayer can claim a right to use them as an owner. So, the Westboro Church picketers can self-righteously proclaim to the Supreme Court that they were just exercising their First Amendment rights to speak on public property. If it happened to destroy the solemnity of a funeral, that’s the family’s tough luck.

Now consider how this kind of situation could be completely avoided in a society where all property is privately owned—the fully capitalist society envisioned by Ayn Rand and most closely approximated in nineteenth century America. In such an ideal society, there would be no public streets or sidewalks. I know, it sounds impossible. But in fact, private property is practical, in streets and sidewalks no less than cars and houses, and it’s been proven so whenever it’s been tried.

But even if you’re not fully convinced, stay with me on the Westboro Church case. In a society of private property, no church or funeral home would have to be bordered by land on which creatures such as the Westboro Church demonstrators had a legal right of access. Instead, every such church or funeral home would be surrounded by private property (including private streets and sidewalks), whose owners would have full legal rights to exclude such obnoxious displays as the ones at issue here. Through contracts arrived at voluntarily, a church and its surrounding property owners could agree to forbid any such interference as happened to the Snyder family.

In a private property regime, the Westboro Church demonstrators could be rendered powerless to spoil anyone’s funeral. If such demonstrators showed up on private property, the police could be called to arrest them for trespass and haul them away to jail. And that, in a case like this, would be sweet justice.

Image: Stock.xchng


Championing the Palestinian cause

Dispelling misconceptions about the Arab/Israeli conflict is a focus of Efraim Karsh’s writings, and in his oped in today’s NYT, he brings to a wider audience key facts about the character of self-professed Arab champions of the Palestinian cause. He lays out a historical case that Arab states — who routinely jockey to be seen as advancing Palestinian goals — have in reality exploited that cause for their own power-seeking ends.

Agreeing with the thrust of Karsh’s article, I’d add this point: even if these backers had been genuine in their motivations and truly sought to serve the cause, that too would be deplorable. From my reading of the issue, the Palestinian movement has at its root an antipathy to Western political values, such individual freedom, and it has pioneered in the vile tactic of terrorism. Regimes that back that movement, for whatever reason, are complicit in its aggression.

(I explore the Palestinian movement and its goals in a course on the Arab-Israeli conflict. In chapter seven of Winning the Unwinnable War, I touch on a prevailing dynamic in Mideast politics that sheds light on what motivates contemporary backers of the Palestinians (e.g., Iran, Syria, and Saudi Arabia).)